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Showing posts with label MV Tampa. Show all posts
Showing posts with label MV Tampa. Show all posts

Tuesday, 11 May 2010

Blue Wedgie



Port Phillip Bay near the Rip - photo by Greg Blair
In 2006 the Blue Wedges coalition approached the Victorian Supreme Court to challenge the legality of the government’s “trial” dredging of Port Phillip Bay. Blue Wedges alleged that the dredging was in breach of the government’s own laws, because it was being conducted without any environment effects statement. The law required that “no works” be carried until such a statement has been completed. These trial works involved 5% of the overall works, and moving 1.7 million cubic metres - enough earth to make a structure stretching from Melbourne to Sydney. The claim by Blue Wedges had, at the very least, real prospects of success.
A challenge like this takes months to be given a full hearing by the Supreme Court. By then the dredging would have been finished, and there would be no point in the Court ruling on the case.
Blue Wedges coalition asked the court for an injunction to prevent works until the issue could be fully argued.
In such cases it is usual for the party who seeks an injunction to give the court an undertaking to pay any damages caused by the delay in works if the court ultimately rules against the legal challenge. If you want a court to stop something so you can bring a case, you must (usually) be prepared to cover the loss caused if you fail.
In this case, the prospective damages from a delay in the dredging was said to be some $32 million, accumulating at over $300,000 a day. There was no prospect of a community group honestly giving an undertaking to pay such a vast sum, and they sought to be excused from the requirement.
Justice Mandie refused to excuse Blue Wedges from this requirement, and accordingly would not grant the injunction. The merits of the case were never heard. (There were subsequent cases brought by Blue Wedges, but they were tangential, relying on Commonwealth legislation, and were never as strong as this challenge.)
Whatever you think of dredging Port Phillip Bay, the Blue Wedges case highlights an important gap in our rule of law. If the government was acting unlawfully in this trial dredging, surely the rule of law requires that it be held to account. But how?
Justice Mandie approached the case with a conventional view: the common law assumes that private individuals take court action only to protect their private interests. The common law also assumes that the only party who approaches the courts to uphold the public interest is the Attorney-General. Both these assumptions are outdated and wrong.
The common law model does not take account of community groups approaching the courts not for any financial interest, but for the public good. It is not unusual for community groups to be in stark conflict with the Attorney-General of the day in doing so. When Liberty Victoria approached the Federal Court seeking relief for the asylum seekers on the Tampa they did so in spite of strong efforts by the government of the day, including the Attorney-General, to oppose them. But if Liberty Victoria, (and other concerned members of the public) had not approached the court, there would have been no one to speak for the asylum seekers whose rights were being overridden.
And yet, when the courts consider cases brought by such community groups, they generally apply rules designed for a different situation – namely for those who come to court to defend their private interests.
The safeguard of relying on the Attorney-General to protect the public interest is no longer enough. It is true that the Attorney-General may intervene in any case as of right, and may give his “fiat” for an issue of public interest to be litigated by another person. But what if the Attorney-General is himself party to the conduct in question?
In the Blue Wedges case, the Victorian Attorney-General Rob Hulls was also at the time the Minister for Planning, who administered the environment effects process. He made public pronouncements in support of the trial dredging. He was not to be regarded as a genuinely independent law officer who would defend the public interest in this matter despite his own political interests.
Whether in Victoria or elsewhere, this is the reality with Attorneys-General in Australia today. They are no longer independent of the political fray, and our reliance on the Attorney-General to uphold issues of public interest is unrealistic and ignores the political pressures to which they are subject.
Access to justice is critical for the rule of law. There is no point having the law if members of the community are not able to approach the courts to obtain remedies to enforce it. It is an affront to the rule of law to leave anyone – especially the government – free to break the law because no one can afford to challenge them.
Where issues of public interest are raised, particularly by non-profit groups acting for what they perceive to be the public good, it is no longer enough to assume that such matters are only for an Attorney-General to pursue. Rather, courts should ensure that the real issues in claims of unlawfulness by government authorities are determined as soon as possible.
It is time for a comprehensive approach to giving community groups a hearing in the courts. New procedures are needed. Where non-profit groups approach the courts in order to uphold the public good, in a proceeding with real prospects of success, generally they should not have to pay costs, they should not have to give security for costs, and they should not have to give undertakings as to damages.
Upholding the rule of law requires us to give the community a hearing.
Turbidity Plume from channel deepening
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Saturday, 10 April 2010

Sinking Human Rights

The MV Tampa waiting off Christmas Island in 2001

At the 2001 Federal election the Liberal Party festooned polling booths with bunting displaying John Howard's face, and the infamous words: "We will decide who comes into this country and the circumstances in which they come". (In other words, we will not be bound by our international obligations towards refugees, nor listen to the pleadings of the international community already dealing with far larger numbers of refugees, but we will simply suit ourselves).

We had just had the arrival of the Tampa, and the cruel Pacific solution (with its name eerily echoing another, far worse "solution") improvised to prevent the political embarrassment of having refugees land on our soil. We in Liberty Victoria took proceedings in the Federal Court to challenge the government's treatment of those on board. Bob Brown immediately and publicly condemned the Howard government - in an act of courage which many thought at the time would amount to political suicide. Kim Beazley, who led the Labor Party, refused to take a stand, and lost the 2001 election.

John Howard ruled Australia for a further six years. In that time the modest amelioration of the asylum seeker policy came not from any pressure applied by Labor, but from the Liberal Party's own back bench.

With the change of government in 2007, we thought at first things would be better. The Rudd government did get rid of the Pacific solution, as well as the harsh temporary protection visas, which denied refugees any access to services here. Processing of claims became more streamlined.

But there were ominous signs:
  • the new government did not roll back John Howard's excision of Australian territory to deny ordinary legal process to asylum seekers arriving by boat;
  • the new government did complete the large and expensive - and out of the way - prison for asylum seekers on Christmas Island;
  • the new minister, Senator Chris Evans, rapidly developed a reputation for refusing any of the many asylum claims which required his ministerial discretion to be exercised.
The opposition turned up its xenophobic rhetoric about boat people - in reality only a very small trickle - and the Rudd government went to water.

The government's first major step backwards was categorizing "people smuggling" as a security issue. They have made people smuggling (which of course is code for boat people) something which ASIO and other security agencies must now target.

Can anyone seriously contend that a few people arriving in leaky boats to flee situations of dire personal danger somehow constitute a threat to our way of life, our systems of government, or the integrity of our nation? Any leader who peddles such a ludicrous proposition really does place our country at risk, because they cannot tell a genuine danger from an ersatz one.

And now the Rudd government has decided to freeze consideration of asylum claims for Afghan and Sri Lankan refugees until after the election. This is a display of moral cowardice.

First, it is not true that the situation in those countries is stable and that there is no longer any threat to people fleeing them. Of course, the regimes in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka - each with poor, if not terrible - human rights records, insist that none of their citizens is at risk. Almost no one familiar with the situations in those countries would agree. If the countries of origin really are so safe, why not process asylum seekers now and prove it before the relevant tribunals?

Secondly, each claim should be considered on its own merits. The same approach will not work for everyone fleeing from a country: their circumstances will vary.

Thirdly, to keep human beings locked up behind razor wire to suit a party's political convenience is an act of inhuman cruelty, and it diminishes Australia as a civilized country. Suffering human beings are not political pawns.

Fourthly, the government's actions are in clear breach of our international obligations under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees - which Australia has ratified, and which we helped draft. So our actions also show us to be an unreliable international partner.

The Rudd government could have stood up to the shock jocks and the talkback panic merchants, and they could have swatted away the schoolyard name calling of the opposition - and they would have taken Australia with them. Australians do not want to be racist, to be bad neighbours, or to deny basic humanitarian care.

But the government has lost that chance now. And they have lost far more. They have lost their moral standing as a government, and they have lost any claim to leadership on this issue.

And they have shamed Australia in the eyes of the world.

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