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Showing posts with label forests. Show all posts
Showing posts with label forests. Show all posts

Wednesday, 25 January 2023

The Goldfields: World Heritage, or a Legacy of Shame?


The Specimen Gully dredge in action at Barkers Creek in 1885. The diggings extend over ten metres into the ground.

Two former premiers are the face of a World Heritage bid for the Central Victorian Goldfields. All thirteen local councils have supported the bid.

 

The push raises important questions about our history and how we value it.

 

World Heritage is reserved for places of ‘outstanding universal value to humanity‘. Australian places inscribed on the World Heritage List include the Great Barrier Reef, Uluru-Kata Tjuta, and the Sydney Opera House. 

 

Are the goldfields in this category? Do we want to celebrate what was done in the mid-nineteenth century, which caused so much lasting damage? It is a question of what we value.

 

Heritage and history should not be confused. The Victorian gold rush is a fact of history. It brought some good things – including fine buildings of that era. It brought population and wealth to the fledgling colony of Victoria. It produced the Eureka stockade and similar movements that helped shape our democracy. 

 

But it also brought massive environmental and cultural devastation. The damage done by the gold rush is still with us – almost the whole of central Victoria was dug up, often to a depth of several metres, and turned over. This created what is often called ‘upside down country’ – with hydrology deranged, the topsoil gone, and depauperated soil unable to retain moisture and hosting only a fraction of the biodiversity that once flourished here.

 

Central Victoria was home to Box-Ironbark woodlands. According to the 2001 Victorian Environment Assessment Council study into Box-Ironbark:

 

'Old growth forest', as defined in most other Victorian forests, is virtually absent from Box-lronbark forests, because of their history of clearing and heavy use in the gold rushes, followed by intensive selective harvesting.

 

One and a half centuries on, we are seeing the disappearance of species once common across the area, while others, such as the swift parrot, the squirrel glider and the tuan, are just hanging on. It is a dire legacy.

 

The heritage bid focuses on the immigration that brought a new society to central Victoria – for both good and ill. But it airbrushes away the catastrophic trashing of the environment and minimises calamitous destruction of indigenous culture. You can read the documents in vain for any acknowledgement of the damage done to the environment. This makes the document disingenuous – downplaying as it does the shameful side of the era it seeks to celebrate.

 

Although a mere flicker in the long history of this region, there is no doubting the significance of the gold rush. But chapters in history can be significant without amounting to heritage: the White Australia Policy was significant, but who would elevate it to the status of heritage? 

 

Castlemaine was briefly the most productive gold-producing region in the world. The damage is still obvious, with denuded soils, mullock heaps and mine shafts, and old junk left by miners. The promotional documents for the bid disingenuously states:

 

Castlemaine Diggings, scene of the 1852-54 Mount Alexander Goldrush, was the first major goldfield in Australia to attract a huge influx of voluntary immigrants. Its landscape provides exceptional testimony to the early-rush individual ‘miner-adventurer’, and eloquently captures the human goldrush spirit in material form. Diggers’ small claims, across the goldfields in gullies and flats, surrounded by regenerating Box-Ironbark forest, yielded the greatest concentration of the largest gold nuggets the world had ever known; a catalyst for hundreds of spontaneous rushes by large populations.

 

Really? First of all, the striking fact is that the Box Ironbark forest is not regenerating, except where intensive intervention has enabled this to happen. And the ‘small claims’ are marked by erosion, infestation of weeds, old junk, and the sad legacy of destruction.

 

Community groups are working to restore Box-Ironbark. This requires repair of water retention features, and management to allow the woodland to regrow. On public land, each step requires consultation and permission. Prioritising gold mining historic values will retard this work, imposing a further layer of restriction.

 

The bid trumpets its (questionable) value to tourism, but tourism values and heritage values are distinct.

 

Publicity material lists other values in the bid, including First Nations values, but inevitably the bid will prioritise gold rush history over other values.

 

For me, living near Castlemaine, the legacy of the gold rush is a matter of shame. So much was lost for such ephemeral gains. There are many features of this area which would justify World Heritage status – but not the tragic legacy of the gold rush. We should never include those values as part of any bid for World Heritage.

 

 

Tuesday, 2 November 2021

Environmental values and the Rule of Law

 

Address to the AGM of the National Environmental Law Association 

13 October 2021



At all levels of government, Australia has a range of statutes, regulations, by-laws, standards, codes of practice, principles, international treaties, and other laws designed to protect the environment.

A law without a practical remedy fails to serve its purpose. Such a law also brings disrepute on the law as an entity.

There are many practical obstacles to enforcing environmental laws in Australia. I want to give a few brief case studies.

Trail bikes

Many years ago, my brother was bushwalking along the Alpine Walking Track on Mount Erica, part of the Alpine National Park.

He was shocked to see trail bike riders illegally riding through the bush, churning up mud, and causing a great deal of damage.

He took the trouble to go to Rawson police station to report the matter. The policeman there told him he would not do anything about it. He did not support the ban on recreational vehicles in the area, and would not enforce it.

There, in a microcosm, is the problem with many of our laws designed to protect the environment – they are useless if those charged with their enforcement will not do so.

Orange roughy


Orange roughy (Hoplostethus atlanticus) was first discovered in Tasmanian waters in the 1980s.

It is an orangeish-red fish, reaching a length of almost half a metre. The skin is poisonous to humans and its oil is powerful enough to be used as a degreasing agent.

Orange roughy is a long-lived and slow growing species. They take 20 to 25 years to reach reproductive maturity. They live for 100 years or more – with good evidence of ages over 150 years. They are found at considerable depth – hundreds of metres to over a kilometre.

The meat of orange roughy survives freezing and packing particularly well, and there is strong demand throughout the world for this fish. It is often marketed as ‘sea perch’. 

After initial minor catches, orange roughy was first commercially fished off Tasmania in significant quantities in 1989.

The fish were taken in greatest quantities whilst spawning, and the major spawning site in Australian waters is located east of St Helen’s at an underwater feature known as the St Helen’s Hill. This is a 400-metre-high pinnacle – or ‘sea mount’ – rising from a depth of 1000 meters. The fish formed a continuous ring, or ‘donut’, around the mount while spawning.

At times other than when they are aggregated for spawning over the winter months, orange roughy are sparsely spread over large areas of deeper waters off southern Australia. But when aggregated for spawning, orange roughy can be taken in large quantities in a very short time. When St Helen’s Hill was first fished, roughy were reported to enter nets at the rate of one tonne per second. It was a very lucrative species.

Because of the slow maturing rate and low reproduction rate of these fish, the stock will take an extremely long time to recover from overfishing. 

The fisheries authorities set quotas designed to preserve the fish – the focus being on the fishing stock rather than preserving biodiversity.

However, within eight years, orange roughy was commercially extinct in Australian waters, and the fishery had collapsed – a pattern all too often repeated in Australia.

The reason for the loss of the orange roughy was systematic, fraudulent under-declaration of catch by fishing enterprises.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s I was involved in a series of cases prosecuting both companies and individual fishermen for false statements to the Commonwealth about their orange roughy catch, and conspiracy to defraud the Commonwealth.

There were several convictions, and some jail sentences. 
·  
Brinkman v Dix (No 2) [1999] TASSC 65

The cases were complex, and it was due to the dedicated work of a team of police and solicitors that these results were achieved. The work included careful reconciliation of a variety of records, as well as, in some cases, covert filming of the unloading of the fishing catch.

Critical in the orange roughy prosecutions was the fact that after each fishing trip, the holder of a fishing licence was required to file returns as to their catch. Our legal system understands the significance of making false declarations and statements. 

Requiring an active statement of this kind is very helpful for enforcement.

Hill and Henderson

On Easter Sunday, 2015, there was no work being done on any logging coupe in East Gippsland.

That day, Ed Hill and Joe Henderson entered a logging coupe, and conducted a detailed survey of logging operations. Their investigations soon showed that the contractors – under the control of the state-owned logging agency VicForests – had illegally logged protected rainforest. This was a crime.

Hill and Henderson prepared a careful report, documented with maps and photographs.

They submitted their report to the Victorian Department of Environment Land Water and Planning – the appropriate body to enforce the law.

DEWLP conducted its own investigation. They concluded that the rainforest had been subject to ‘unwarranted destruction’. They found that the destroyed forest area was large enough to meet the threshold of protection. They criticised the destruction of the rainforest trees – which had no merchantable value. There was no reason to destroy the rainforest.

However, they did not prosecute or otherwise enforce the law, other than to suggest that VicForests review its own guidelines. They said that, despite their own finding that a crime had been committed, a court might entertain a reasonable doubt.

The story does not end there. The Department then prosecuted Hill and Henderson for illegally entering a ‘Timber Harvesting Safety Zone’ – even though this was on an Easter Sunday when no one was put at risk.

Not only was it left to the community to properly oversee and enforce the laws protecting rainforest, but when they tried to do so, the community members were themselves charged with illegally entering this forest.

I travelled down to Orbost to represent these men. In the result the charges were dismissed, as there had not been proper compliance with the requirements to mark out the Safety Zone. This was a technical defence, of course, and as with so many such cases, the court was not able to deal with the substantive justice issues raised.

But the sequence of events illustrates a pattern that is all too common –  a public affirmation, by way of a law, that certain conduct was prohibited, but the private reality of one rule for those who seek to protect the environment, but another for those who are exploiting it.

 

Bob Brown and Heritage Rivers

Back in 1997-8, I represented Bob Brown – then newly installed in the Senate – on a charge of obstructing lawful forest operations. 

There were no such operations being conducted at the time, and he did nothing to obstruct logging, but we were nevertheless able to show that the coupe which he attended was not a lawful forest operation, as it encroached some 100 metres into a zone protected under the Heritage Rivers Act. 

·       DPP v Brown [1998] VSC 117

Again, no action was taken to prosecute those who had breached this law. Rather, the State government passed retrospective legislation to validate the unlawful logging.


Litigation to restrain logging

There have now been several cases in which environment groups in Victoria have successfully (and in some cases, unsuccessfully) litigated to restrain VicForests  – the Victorian government logging agency – from conducting unlawful logging operations. 

·      Environment East Gippsland Inc v VicForests [2010] VSC 335, per Osborn J

·      Wildlife of the Central Highlands Inc v VicForests [2020] VSC 10, per McMillan J

·      VicForests v Friends of Leadbeater’s Possum Inc [2021] FCAFC 66

The first two cases resulted in VicForests being restrained from logging. On appeal in the third case, the Federal Court found that although the logging was non-compliant with the legal requirements, and this was likely to have a significant impact on protected species, the logging agency had an exemption from the EPBC Act by virtue of the Regional Forest Agreement.

The sequence of cases has demonstrated systemic inadequacy – almost wilful blindness – of flora and fauna surveys prior to logging, and then no system to enforce potential breaches where they are detected. 

Victoria does have an Environment Protection Authority, but it is still left to community groups to take this difficult, expensive and of course risky litigation.

 

EPBC Act

In 2015 and 16, Tiphanie Acreman and I represented the Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre in EPBC litigation against the Tasmanian State Government over its plans to open Four Wheel Drive tracks through the protected Western Tasmanian Aboriginal Cultural Landscape – without approval from traditional owners and without seeking approval from the Federal Government under the EPBC Act. That litigation was, in the result, successful, and the proposal has this year been finally abandoned. I see Adam Beeson in the audience, and he was critical in this litigation.

The relevant Tasmanian Minister had informed the Commonwealth of the proposed action, but also said it was not referring the matter to the Commonwealth, as it did not consider that the proposed action would have any impact on the values of the protected area. The Commonwealth – perhaps with an eye to its political fortunes in the relevant area – did nothing.

·       Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre Incorporated v Secretary, Department of Primary Industries, Parks, Water and Environment (No 2) [2016] FCA 168



Aboriginal midden used as a 4wd jump in the Western Tasmanian Aboriginal Cultural Landscape

Under the EPBC Act, the Commonwealth often imposes conditions on approval, but the enforcement of these conditions is sporadic and relies on a co-operative approach. This is quite inadequate where large sums of money are at stake and the temptations to cut corners are real. 

Indeed, the Samuel review into the EPBC Act found:

The compliance and enforcement powers in the EPBC Act are outdated. Powers are restrictive and can only be applied in a piecemeal way across different parts of the Act due to the way it is constructed. The complexity of the legislation, impenetrable terminology and the infrequency with which many interact with the law, make both voluntary compliance and the pursuit of enforcement action difficult.

Strong, independent compliance and enforcement is required

Independent compliance and enforcement functions that are not subject to actual or implied political direction are needed. The functions should be properly resourced and include a full toolkit of powers and systems.

In these cases, in which environment groups undertake litigation to uphold the law, those groups are required, at great expense and personal risk, to go to court when it is usually the accepted role of the State to take action to enforce its laws.

So community groups often find themselves opposed by the resources of government, applied not to uphold the law, but for political ends. 

Where corporate interests are involved (as is usually the case), the corporate parties have the benefit of tax deductibility for their legal expenses, which is not true for community groups who are acting for the public good. In many cases, the risk of adverse costs orders means a real risk of office holders of these organisations losing homes and other assets. It is an extraordinary burden to impose on citizens.

The implicit model behind this is that the government sets out some broad aspirational principles, and then steps back to let those who might be referred to as ‘stakeholders’ fight it out. There is no level playing field: this is stacked in favour of those with the resources to litigate, and with the right political support.

But if that is the model, do our environmental laws really amount to laws as most people would understand them?

It is not enough for governments to espouse environmental values in legislation without establishing its own mechanisms to enforce those laws.

We have a systemic problem, at both State and Federal level, in which powerful interests are able to circumvent environmental laws, and governments have not put in place adequate independent means of enforcing the laws they have enacted.

 

The Rule of Law

The rule of law is one of the fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. 

Australia’s traditions as a democracy depend upon our adherence to the rule of law.

The rule of law doesn’t just mean having laws and requiring people to obey them – even tyrants have laws. Nazi Germany had laws – and a lot of them - but no one would argue that it was a society subject to the rule of law. The rule of law operates as a check on the arbitrary exercise of power. 

The rule of law is not about ever harsher laws to reinforce power, but the independent oversight of the exercise of power. Governments and corporations, like citizens, must be accountable under the law. The law must be clear, well-known and applied without fear or favour. Justice must be timely, efficient and independent.

Having laws to protect the environment that are only sporadically and unevenly enforced undermines not only the environment, but also, I would argue, the rule of law and our democratic traditions.

We should be astute to ensure – at all levels of government – that laws to protect the environment do not merely espouse values in a general way, but have specific enforcement mechanisms that give them teeth.

Protecting the environment is too important for us to accept anything less.

 

Sunday, 25 February 2018

A Violent Joke

George Christensen's post

Last week, George Christensen posted on Facebook a photograph of himself aiming a pistol, with the caption 'You gotta ask yourself, do you feel lucky, greenie punks?'

It was the day after a school massacre in Florida.

Christensen is the LNP MP for Dawson, in Queensland. He caucuses with the National Party.

The Prime Minister described Christensen's post as 'very inappropriate'.

Christensen refused to apologise, describing the post as a 'joke'. It is not so clear that was the original intention.

He edited the caption to read 'You gotta ask yourself, do you have a sense of humour, greenie punks?' A short time later he deleted the post.

The post was referred to police. Queensland police quickly announced they would take no action. At the time of writing, the AFP are still considering the matter.

Following Christensen's post, Greens Senator Sarah Hanson-Young received an email, with the subject 'bullets' that read: 'Hopefully George has one left in the chamber to fire directly into your vagina you hysterical fucking cunt'.



Christensen's post is no joke.

Christensen's gun-pointing threat to 'greenie punks' comes in a context. There has been sustained and serious violence against Greens and environmental protesters over many years. Most has been perpetrated by the very people to whom Christensen appeals for votes.

In March 1986, during the protests against the Farmhouse Creek logging in Tasmania, Bob Brown was walking down a bush road with conservationist Judy Richter and journalist Hugh Maclean. Shots rang out, evidently aimed at Bob. Maclean, with his Vietnam training, immediately dropped to the mud, leaving the other two standing in shock. Later the shooter was arrested. He was charged with discharging a firearm on a Sunday and fined $200.

Bob Brown manhandled by loggers at Farmhouse Creek in 1986. Later he was shot at.

In January 1990 I was present in a conservationists' camp when two shots were fired in the bush close by. The perpetrator made off. Police in Orbost refused even to take a statement.

In 1991 two cars belonging to conservationists were destroyed by gelignite in the East Picton forest of Tasmania.

In the late 1990s an attempt was made to sabotage the aircraft of Vince Jones, the jazz singer. He lived near Buchan, and was vocal about logging. Steel wool was cut up and deposited in his light aircraft's fuel tank.

In December 1998 Adrian Whitehead was assaulted with an axe handle by a logger. He had been conducting a botanical survey at the time. Despite having an independent witness, the police refused to lay charges.

Adrian Whitehead after being bashed by a logger

After midnight on 3 December 1998 a group of loggers smashed up a campsite of conservationists in the Otways, yelled threats, and drove a vehicle into a tent occupied by two female conservationists who feared for their lives. One logger was subsequently charged and convicted in relation to this incident.

In December 1998 Peter Stienke (“Fisherman Pete”) was by himself minding a conservationists’ camp at Goolengook over Christmas. His car was found at the camp with the door open and food and drinks on the passenger seat. Despite a search by police, Fisherman Pete was never found and is missing, presumed dead. He left a 14 year old son.

On 20 February 2000, some 40 to 50 loggers - some with their children - converged from Orbost and Bombala on a conservationists’ camp in the forest of East Gippsland. They trashed the camp and beat up a Canadian tourist who was there. A carload of conservationists drove up. The conservationists were violently attacked and the car reduced to a wreck. The loggers caused severe injuries to two persons, and threatened to rape the women present.

Much of this was recorded on audio, and it makes chilling listening. The out of control ranting of the loggers, the smashing of iron bars against machinery and people – and the futile attempts of the conservationists to calm the loggers down.

Some of the loggers were identified and later convicted.

On 2 April 2000 loggers wielding baseball bats and axe handles attacked a conservationists' camp at Middle Spur in the Otway Ranges. Police and ambulance were called. Some twenty conservationists were injured, five being hospitalised.

In October 2008 logging vigilantes firebombed two cars belonging to conservationists that were parked on the Strathgordon Road in the Upper Florentine Valley.

There is nothing funny about George Christensen's gunwielding antics against Greenies. Exhortations to violence – whether against greenies, blacks, women, Jews, gays, or any other group in society – are shameful. 'Jokes' like this give licence to those who are inclined to resort to violence, and there are too many of those already.

Political appeals based on violence have a way of spiralling into enormous harm. I can only hope Christensen's gun-toting example will not lead to further violence against conservationists. 

I very much fear it will.

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Wednesday, 25 August 2010

Being Forest Friendly


Alan Gray
My journey in relation to SLAPP suits began in 1999 when my friend Alan Gray rang me. It was the Thursday before Easter, and I was about to go on holidays. I could hear the fear in his voice. He sounded devastated. “Brian,” he said, “I’m not feeling good – all I have worked to build for my family – my house and my business – could go down the drain.”
Alan was then, and still is, the editor of Earth Garden magazine. He had written a book called “Forest-Friendly Building Timbers”. It was a consumers' guide to the ethical purchase of timber for various building needs - timber not sourced from native forests. BBC Hardware had agreed to stock the book throughout Australia.
Just before the close of business for the Easter holidays, when Alan was in Sydney for a launch of the book, the solicitors for the National Association of Forest Industries sent him a letter threatening to take him to court for deceptive and misleading conduct under the Trade Practices Act, because the book made a number of statements about the logging industry which they disputed.
The statements were all sourced and quoted from government reports. They were indisputable. And there were good statutory defences under the TPA anyway. But this would not matter – Alan Gray could not afford to bankrupt himself in order to prove he was right. Even a few days in court would be crippling.
NAFI demanded the shredding of all copies of the book, and an undertaking not to repeat any of these statements. Otherwise, off to the Federal Court. Alan, unable to face the prospect of even a short Federal Court hearing, was at the point of capitulation.
The irony was that the Trade Practices Act is meant to be about consumer protection, and the logging industry wanted to keep information from consumers to protect its own interests.
It was the modern equivalent of a mediaeval book burning.
I arranged for Alan to send the letter and the book immediately so I could look over them.
I rang back. Sometimes you have to have the courage of your convictions when you give legal advice. I said to him that he should not worry: the letter meant the book would enjoy greatly increased sales. We prepared a legal reply telling NAFI to "go jump" and then sent the correspondence to every journalist we could think of.
It got a run in every paper, and in many cases on the front page. Terry Lane on Radio National's "National Interest" interviewed Professor Allan Fels (head of ACCC) who offered the opinion that the NAFI letter itself may well amount to deceptive and misleading conduct, because anyone who knew the workings of the TPA would know that the threat they made was empty.
We dared NAFI to bring proceedings. They didn’t. The book was at the top of the non-fiction best seller list for months.
There was one dark aspect of the outcome. BBC Hardwares issued a press release which said:
BBC Hardware Limited today withdrew from sale in its stores a booklet titled “Forest-Friendly Building Timbers”.
This follows a threat of legal action against BBC Hardware by the National Association of Forest Industries, which took exception to the publication.[1]
NAFI’s threat of legal action was baseless. They did not even issue any proceedings. But still their threat pushed “Forest-Friendly Building Timbers” off the shelves of the major hardware chain which had supported it.
It’s a good example of the way some big business operators misuse the court system – frequently without even having to take proceedings. In this case we called their bluff, and that’s a good lesson in how to deal with SLAPP suits – stick together, go public, and don’t let them get away with it.

[1] BBC Hardware Media Statement 8 April 1999
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