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Wednesday, 17 July 2024

Venturing into Podcast land


Over the past six months, along with my amazing producer Sam Loy, I have been recording a podcast.

It tells, in truncated form, the story of the German resistance to Hitler, and calls on the research I have done for my book TREASON.


The process has been fascinating for someone like me, who did not know what was involved. 


First, the scripts had to be written, edited, debated, settled.


Then, we recorded. We did this for a morning a week over about 3 months.


With the words recorded, Sam would work on the sound edit, which included writing music, sourcing sound effects and music, mixing – and a lot more that I don’t understand. 


He would send a first draft, and I would provide feedback, and then a final draft would emerge.


I had to select a podcast platform, and after research I chose Buzzsprout. I’ve been very happy with their service. With their help, I am now on all the hosting platforms.


As well as sound, a podcast needs graphics, and I engaged my friend and design guru Mike Vernon – known for his MakeBooks Australia business – to produce artwork for the podcast. He has done a great job, producing generic artwork as well as artwork for each episode.


Selling a podcast is pretty hard. I had great help from my daughter Georgia, who researched an approach to this, and filmed and edited a number of film clips for promotion.




We released a trailer in late June, and then on 6 July dropped the first three episodes – 1, 2 and 3. The fourth went out on 13 July, and they’ll be once a week from now on.


The 80th anniversary of the July plot is upon us, and this seems a fitting tribute to mark the occasion.



Wednesday, 25 January 2023

The Goldfields: World Heritage, or a Legacy of Shame?


The Specimen Gully dredge in action at Barkers Creek in 1885. The diggings extend over ten metres into the ground.

Two former premiers are the face of a World Heritage bid for the Central Victorian Goldfields. All thirteen local councils have supported the bid.

 

The push raises important questions about our history and how we value it.

 

World Heritage is reserved for places of ‘outstanding universal value to humanity‘. Australian places inscribed on the World Heritage List include the Great Barrier Reef, Uluru-Kata Tjuta, and the Sydney Opera House

 

Are the goldfields in this category? Do we want to celebrate what was done in the mid-nineteenth century, which caused so much lasting damage? It is a question of what we value.

 

Heritage and history should not be confused. The Victorian gold rush is a fact of history. It brought some good things – including fine buildings of that era. It brought population and wealth to the fledgling colony of Victoria. It produced the Eureka stockade and similar movements that helped shape our democracy. 

 

But it also brought massive environmental and cultural devastation. The damage done by the gold rush is still with us – almost the whole of central Victoria was dug up, often to a depth of several metres, and turned over. This created what is often called ‘upside down country’ – with hydrology deranged, the topsoil gone, and depauperated soil unable to retain moisture and hosting only a fraction of the biodiversity that once flourished here.

 

Central Victoria was home to Box-Ironbark woodlands. According to the 2001 Victorian Environment Assessment Council study into Box-Ironbark:

 

'Old growth forest', as defined in most other Victorian forests, is virtually absent from Box-lronbark forests, because of their history of clearing and heavy use in the gold rushes, followed by intensive selective harvesting.

 

One and a half centuries on, we are seeing the disappearance of species once common across the area, while others, such as the swift parrot, the squirrel glider and the tuan, are just hanging on. It is a dire legacy.

 

The heritage bid focuses on the immigration that brought a new society to central Victoria – for both good and ill. But it airbrushes away the catastrophic trashing of the environment and minimises calamitous destruction of indigenous culture. You can read the documents in vain for any acknowledgement of the damage done to the environment. This makes the document disingenuous – downplaying as it does the shameful side of the era it seeks to celebrate.

 

Although a mere flicker in the long history of this region, there is no doubting the significance of the gold rush. But chapters in history can be significant without amounting to heritage: the White Australia Policy was significant, but who would elevate it to the status of heritage? 

 

Castlemaine was briefly the most productive gold-producing region in the world. The damage is still obvious, with denuded soils, mullock heaps and mine shafts, and old junk left by miners. The promotional documents for the bid disingenuously states:

 

Castlemaine Diggings, scene of the 1852-54 Mount Alexander Goldrush, was the first major goldfield in Australia to attract a huge influx of voluntary immigrants. Its landscape provides exceptional testimony to the early-rush individual ‘miner-adventurer’, and eloquently captures the human goldrush spirit in material form. Diggers’ small claims, across the goldfields in gullies and flats, surrounded by regenerating Box-Ironbark forest, yielded the greatest concentration of the largest gold nuggets the world had ever known; a catalyst for hundreds of spontaneous rushes by large populations.

 

Really? First of all, the striking fact is that the Box Ironbark forest is not regenerating, except where intensive intervention has enabled this to happen. And the ‘small claims’ are marked by erosion, infestation of weeds, old junk, and the sad legacy of destruction.

 

Community groups are working to restore Box-Ironbark. This requires repair of water retention features, and management to allow the woodland to regrow. On public land, each step requires consultation and permission. Prioritising gold mining historic values will retard this work, imposing a further layer of restriction.

 

The bid trumpets its (questionable) value to tourism, but tourism values and heritage values are distinct.

 

Publicity material lists other values in the bid, including First Nations values, but inevitably the bid will prioritise gold rush history over other values.

 

For me, living near Castlemaine, the legacy of the gold rush is a matter of shame. So much was lost for such ephemeral gains. There are many features of this area which would justify World Heritage status – but not the tragic legacy of the gold rush. We should never include those values as part of any bid for World Heritage.

 

 

Saturday, 21 January 2023

Thursday, 22 December 2022



The great people at Northern Books are organising a launch for Treason.

It will be at the Taproom, Shedshaker Brewing, at the Mill in Castlemaine, on Tuesday 10 January at 6 pm.

I will be in conversation with the wonderful Helen Symon KC.

You will need to book your attendance here.

Look forward to seeing you there!


Wednesday, 5 October 2022

Treason is now available around the world



Last year, during the pandemic, the hard copy of Treason was published here in Australia. 

However, postage costs made it awkward to distribute this internationally. 

This has now been sorted, and Treason is now available internationally through Blurb.

If you live in Australia, the Blurb version will not be cheaper, but anywhere else, it is.

Incidentally, I was very pleased with the endorsements given on the back cover!



Tuesday, 23 August 2022

Counterpoise


This week's 'Music Show', with Andrew Ford, on ABC's Radio National, opened with Hugh Crosthwaite's 'Counterpoise', a haunting work for solo violin.

The piece is played by Sarah Curro, who is interviewed, along with her husband Paul Davies, a luthier, about the different qualities of violins. It's a fascinating interview.

Hugh's piece was inspired by my poem, also called 'Counterpoise', published in my first book of poems, Angels, like laundry.

Counterpoise

 

Behind, beside, before;

once, nonce, hence – 

time pools in the present

tense; deeps of now brim– 

never to be reclaimed,

ever flowing silently away.

Mulch, mushroom, messmate;

foundation, footings, framework –

building begets spaces,

earth cleaves to sky;

light brings forth shadow,

action yields to rest – 

stone, plank, tile,

myrtle, moss, manure.

 

 

Pulse, breath, blink;

bone, flesh, hide –

inner engenders outer,

launches soaring dreams;

summer’s gold garnered for 

fecund swelling fall – 

pith, pulp, peel;

never, nigh, next -

New grows old, old

gives way to new.

On time’s curving arc, end-

ing is beginning –

former, forthwith, final:

past, present, prospect,

was, is, ever.


Mothlight




My third book of poems, Mothlight, has now been published.

Mike Vernon has done a wonderful job with the photographs through the book, making it a beautiful production.


Here are some things that others have said about it – for which I am very grateful:


    In 'Mothlight', Brian Walters reveres both the natural world and the power of the clear poetic line. One poem at a time, he edges us closer to seeing, to captivation, to wild play, to progress. At a time of renewed environmental awareness, this collection invites the reader to do the only thing that is left for us to do – a gentle moving through the world.

–      Amanda Anastasi, poet

 

    I love these poems, the surprise of them, the wideness and range of vision, the delicate precision of the lens shifting from the personal, the heart, to the glory of the world. The exultation and celebration of the natural world is a constant and marvellous echo of Hardy. There is too, a similar humane heart.

–      Helen Elliott, literary critic and writer

 

    A Brian Walters poem is a walk in fair weather and good company in the high country in winter; it is an act of kindness and courage you wish had been your own. His voice is a forest of Old Testament timbers—the Cedars of Lebanon transposed well south and reborn as a sclerophyll woodland. His lines are an elegant eucalypt elegy, a vote of thanks, a currawong choir.

            Mark Tredinnick, poet

 

I will be reading my poems at the Poeticas gig, 2 pm this Saturday 27 August 2022 at the Northern Arts Hotel – 359 Barker Street Castlemaine. 


It would be great to see you there!

Thursday, 18 August 2022

I was banned by Facebook

 


On 20 August 1944, Count Schwerin von Schwanenberg was brought before the Nazi ‘People’s Court’, charged with treason. He was unshaven and wore no tie. Prominent in the July plot against the Nazi regime, he knew he was about to hang. 

When Nazi judge Roland Freisler angled for an apology, Schwerin would not be cowed, but spoke out about the ‘many murders’ of the Nazi regime ‘at home and abroad’ – drawing Freisler’s apoplectic ire. Hoping they would obtain useful propaganda footage, the Nazis filmed this exchange, and the film has survived – a powerful example of a person speaking truth to power.

 

I posted this clip on Facebook, with some background information, as part of a regular series of posts promoting my book Treason, which recounts the German resistance to Hitler.

 

I have posted the clip a few times before. 

 

This time I received a notification from Facebook that my post was blocked, because it violated Facebook’s community standards. 

 

I was plunged into the Kafkaesque realm of Facebook’s processes.

 

The notification stated ‘this is because you previously posted material that violated Facebook’s community standards’. The previous week, Facebook had notified me of such a breach, but when I asked for a review, they overturned this and apologised for getting it wrong. According to Facebook’s retraction, there was no previous breach. But there was no way for me to point out this mistake to Facebook.

 

The notification set out Facebook’s standards – all laudable – but did not say which standard was breached, nor how. 

 

Despite failing to specify what was wrong, Facebook required me to select from a menu my reason for saying that the post should not be blocked. This is like someone on trial being told to defend themselves when they are not told the charge.

 

Despite this absurdity, I asked for a review and marked the option ‘The post does not violate Facebook’s community standards’.

 

Facebook then advised that they try to have a person review the decision, but could not guarantee this, because of staff shortages due to Covid. 

 

Really? There are plenty of people they could hire to do this task, even during Covid. It’s a task that could readily be performed online. The excuse was specious.

 

Having asked for a review, I received a prompt response. Facebook had reviewed the post (evidently by its algorithms, not by a person, who would scarcely have had time to watch the video clip and read the post). Facebook stated that they had reviewed the post and confirmed that the post violated Facebook’s community standards. Again, they did not say why.

 

One thing is clear: Facebook’s algorithms are incapable of distinguishing an anti-Nazi post from a Nazi post.

 

Facebook then asked me whether the communication from them had been helpful. When I marked that it had not, they thanked me and said they used responses to improve their service.

 

Facebook notified me that there was a right of appeal to Facebook’s ‘Oversight Board’. 

 

This ‘right’ of appeal is illusory. According to Facebook’s own figures, in 2021, the Oversight Board received over a million appeals, but the Board published just 17 decisions, overturning Facebook 11 times. Opting for an appeal was like buying a lottery ticket.

 

Even though a waste of time in terms of reversing the decision, I decided to lodge an appeal anyway. When I tried to click on the link, nothing happened – just the wheel of death as the attempt to log in timed out. I did this several times. Even getting to the Oversight Board was blocked.

 

This was not the first time I’ve had trouble with Facebook’s ‘standards’, with the same opaque processes.

 

Over several years I built up an earlier page promoting my book. I paid Facebook money to promote it, and the page grew to have over 11,000 followers. Then Facebook closed it down (and the linked Instagram feed), without any recourse, saying it violated their community standards, and again failing to say which standards, or how it breached them. Just before publication of my book, I lost all the investment of time and money made in building up this following.

 

As I emailed Facebook (of course, there was no reply) the page 

 

did not violate Facebook’s published community standards. Nor does it violate community standards as any reasonable person would understand them. The content, dealing with the bravery of those who stood up to the Nazi regime, usually at the cost of their lives, is entirely in accordance with the highest community standards.

 

It is important that the events of the Nazi regime, the mass murders which have given us the terms ‘genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’, are widely discussed and known. The efforts of those who struggled against that regime should also be part of our shared discourse.

 

I can’t speak truth to Facebook, because they are not listening. Bizarrely, the business takes a perverse pride in its refusal to support its customers. Who knows how Facebook’s processes are intended to work – but it is clear that this platform is not a safe place to invest. It is only capable of dumbing down our shared discourse and, as a result, diminishing our community.

Friday, 13 May 2022

A Promise Broken, a Victory Lost: the scandal of Wombat Forest logging

In the 1990s I was active in opposing the logging of the Wombat Forest.

In 1999, the Bracks government was elected, and in 2002 promised to end that logging, this being one of the conditions of receiving Greens preferences at that year's election.

John Thwaites (the Deputy Premier) announced the phasing out of the logging, with woodchipping ending immediately and final removal of sawlogs completed in 2006.

In 2019, during the VEAC process, the Minister stated, in writing, that no sawlogs would be taken out of the Wombat.

In 2019, the Victorian government announced that native forest logging would end in the State by 2030.

Last year, the premier, Dan Andrews, accepted, in part, the VEAC recommendations, and promised a national park for the Wombat.

However, there has now commenced, out of the blue, industrial scale logging in the very area proposed for the national park.


There are to be 175 logging coupes, so the undertaking is enormous. One of the coupes will carve through the very point where John Thwaites made his announcement to the community.

The coupes extend into areas that were never allowed to be logged even in the dark days of the Kennett era – in particular riparian zones and Special Protection Zones for threatened wildlife.

The first coupe logged had greater gliders present – no buffer zone was left around their habitat. Instead of leaving the required 100 metre buffer zone, machinery was working next to a tree with a wedge tailed eagle nest. Entire creeks have been compromised by bulldozing through them, compacting soil and disrupting drainage.

Despite the spin, this is not a ’salvage’ operation in any sense. VicForests is going in to get the large trees they were never allowed to take under the Kennett regime.

Numerous studies now show that:
1. logging of native forest increases fire risk, as the resultant regrowth is drier, sparser, and more fire-prone;
2. logging of native forest reduces water yield from that forest for the next 150 years, as regrowing trees take up water;
3. logging of native forest, particularly Victorian eucalypt forest, is one of the most carbon polluting activities humans undertake, as it releases some 2000 tonnes of carbon per hectare.

The values that justified the dedication of this area as a national park are now being destroyed by VicForests.

VicForests remains an ongoing source of scandal. The Courts have repeatedly held that it has breached the law in its logging operations. It is now being investigated for spying on citizens. From the destruction of our forest heritage it has not even been able to generate a profit, let alone the kind of yield one would expect from so valuable a resource – assuming you valued it only for money.

Native forest logging employs very few people, and the favoured treatment this industry receives from government adversely impacts on the plantation sector by unfair competition that depresses prices. Plantations are already well able to supply all our needs from timber.

Has the Andrews government lost control of its logging agency, or is this agency doing its bidding?

Tuesday, 2 November 2021

Environmental values and the Rule of Law

 

Address to the AGM of the National Environmental Law Association 

13 October 2021



At all levels of government, Australia has a range of statutes, regulations, by-laws, standards, codes of practice, principles, international treaties, and other laws designed to protect the environment.

A law without a practical remedy fails to serve its purpose. Such a law also brings disrepute on the law as an entity.

There are many practical obstacles to enforcing environmental laws in Australia. I want to give a few brief case studies.

Trail bikes

Many years ago, my brother was bushwalking along the Alpine Walking Track on Mount Erica, part of the Alpine National Park.

He was shocked to see trail bike riders illegally riding through the bush, churning up mud, and causing a great deal of damage.

He took the trouble to go to Rawson police station to report the matter. The policeman there told him he would not do anything about it. He did not support the ban on recreational vehicles in the area, and would not enforce it.

There, in a microcosm, is the problem with many of our laws designed to protect the environment – they are useless if those charged with their enforcement will not do so.

Orange roughy


Orange roughy (Hoplostethus atlanticus) was first discovered in Tasmanian waters in the 1980s.

It is an orangeish-red fish, reaching a length of almost half a metre. The skin is poisonous to humans and its oil is powerful enough to be used as a degreasing agent.

Orange roughy is a long-lived and slow growing species. They take 20 to 25 years to reach reproductive maturity. They live for 100 years or more – with good evidence of ages over 150 years. They are found at considerable depth – hundreds of metres to over a kilometre.

The meat of orange roughy survives freezing and packing particularly well, and there is strong demand throughout the world for this fish. It is often marketed as ‘sea perch’. 

After initial minor catches, orange roughy was first commercially fished off Tasmania in significant quantities in 1989.

The fish were taken in greatest quantities whilst spawning, and the major spawning site in Australian waters is located east of St Helen’s at an underwater feature known as the St Helen’s Hill. This is a 400-metre-high pinnacle – or ‘sea mount’ – rising from a depth of 1000 meters. The fish formed a continuous ring, or ‘donut’, around the mount while spawning.

At times other than when they are aggregated for spawning over the winter months, orange roughy are sparsely spread over large areas of deeper waters off southern Australia. But when aggregated for spawning, orange roughy can be taken in large quantities in a very short time. When St Helen’s Hill was first fished, roughy were reported to enter nets at the rate of one tonne per second. It was a very lucrative species.

Because of the slow maturing rate and low reproduction rate of these fish, the stock will take an extremely long time to recover from overfishing. 

The fisheries authorities set quotas designed to preserve the fish – the focus being on the fishing stock rather than preserving biodiversity.

However, within eight years, orange roughy was commercially extinct in Australian waters, and the fishery had collapsed – a pattern all too often repeated in Australia.

The reason for the loss of the orange roughy was systematic, fraudulent under-declaration of catch by fishing enterprises.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s I was involved in a series of cases prosecuting both companies and individual fishermen for false statements to the Commonwealth about their orange roughy catch, and conspiracy to defraud the Commonwealth.

There were several convictions, and some jail sentences. 
·  
Brinkman v Dix (No 2) [1999] TASSC 65

The cases were complex, and it was due to the dedicated work of a team of police and solicitors that these results were achieved. The work included careful reconciliation of a variety of records, as well as, in some cases, covert filming of the unloading of the fishing catch.

Critical in the orange roughy prosecutions was the fact that after each fishing trip, the holder of a fishing licence was required to file returns as to their catch. Our legal system understands the significance of making false declarations and statements. 

Requiring an active statement of this kind is very helpful for enforcement.

Hill and Henderson

On Easter Sunday, 2015, there was no work being done on any logging coupe in East Gippsland.

That day, Ed Hill and Joe Henderson entered a logging coupe, and conducted a detailed survey of logging operations. Their investigations soon showed that the contractors – under the control of the state-owned logging agency VicForests – had illegally logged protected rainforest. This was a crime.

Hill and Henderson prepared a careful report, documented with maps and photographs.

They submitted their report to the Victorian Department of Environment Land Water and Planning – the appropriate body to enforce the law.

DEWLP conducted its own investigation. They concluded that the rainforest had been subject to ‘unwarranted destruction’. They found that the destroyed forest area was large enough to meet the threshold of protection. They criticised the destruction of the rainforest trees – which had no merchantable value. There was no reason to destroy the rainforest.

However, they did not prosecute or otherwise enforce the law, other than to suggest that VicForests review its own guidelines. They said that, despite their own finding that a crime had been committed, a court might entertain a reasonable doubt.

The story does not end there. The Department then prosecuted Hill and Henderson for illegally entering a ‘Timber Harvesting Safety Zone’ – even though this was on an Easter Sunday when no one was put at risk.

Not only was it left to the community to properly oversee and enforce the laws protecting rainforest, but when they tried to do so, the community members were themselves charged with illegally entering this forest.

I travelled down to Orbost to represent these men. In the result the charges were dismissed, as there had not been proper compliance with the requirements to mark out the Safety Zone. This was a technical defence, of course, and as with so many such cases, the court was not able to deal with the substantive justice issues raised.

But the sequence of events illustrates a pattern that is all too common –  a public affirmation, by way of a law, that certain conduct was prohibited, but the private reality of one rule for those who seek to protect the environment, but another for those who are exploiting it.

 

Bob Brown and Heritage Rivers

Back in 1997-8, I represented Bob Brown – then newly installed in the Senate – on a charge of obstructing lawful forest operations. 

There were no such operations being conducted at the time, and he did nothing to obstruct logging, but we were nevertheless able to show that the coupe which he attended was not a lawful forest operation, as it encroached some 100 metres into a zone protected under the Heritage Rivers Act

·       DPP v Brown [1998] VSC 117

Again, no action was taken to prosecute those who had breached this law. Rather, the State government passed retrospective legislation to validate the unlawful logging.


Litigation to restrain logging

There have now been several cases in which environment groups in Victoria have successfully (and in some cases, unsuccessfully) litigated to restrain VicForests  – the Victorian government logging agency – from conducting unlawful logging operations. 

·      Environment East Gippsland Inc v VicForests [2010] VSC 335, per Osborn J

·      Wildlife of the Central Highlands Inc v VicForests [2020] VSC 10, per McMillan J

·      VicForests v Friends of Leadbeater’s Possum Inc [2021] FCAFC 66

The first two cases resulted in VicForests being restrained from logging. On appeal in the third case, the Federal Court found that although the logging was non-compliant with the legal requirements, and this was likely to have a significant impact on protected species, the logging agency had an exemption from the EPBC Act by virtue of the Regional Forest Agreement.

The sequence of cases has demonstrated systemic inadequacy – almost wilful blindness – of flora and fauna surveys prior to logging, and then no system to enforce potential breaches where they are detected. 

Victoria does have an Environment Protection Authority, but it is still left to community groups to take this difficult, expensive and of course risky litigation.

 

EPBC Act

In 2015 and 16, Tiphanie Acreman and I represented the Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre in EPBC litigation against the Tasmanian State Government over its plans to open Four Wheel Drive tracks through the protected Western Tasmanian Aboriginal Cultural Landscape – without approval from traditional owners and without seeking approval from the Federal Government under the EPBC Act. That litigation was, in the result, successful, and the proposal has this year been finally abandoned. I see Adam Beeson in the audience, and he was critical in this litigation.

The relevant Tasmanian Minister had informed the Commonwealth of the proposed action, but also said it was not referring the matter to the Commonwealth, as it did not consider that the proposed action would have any impact on the values of the protected area. The Commonwealth – perhaps with an eye to its political fortunes in the relevant area – did nothing.

·       Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre Incorporated v Secretary, Department of Primary Industries, Parks, Water and Environment (No 2) [2016] FCA 168



Aboriginal midden used as a 4wd jump in the Western Tasmanian Aboriginal Cultural Landscape

Under the EPBC Act, the Commonwealth often imposes conditions on approval, but the enforcement of these conditions is sporadic and relies on a co-operative approach. This is quite inadequate where large sums of money are at stake and the temptations to cut corners are real. 

Indeed, the Samuel review into the EPBC Act found:

The compliance and enforcement powers in the EPBC Act are outdated. Powers are restrictive and can only be applied in a piecemeal way across different parts of the Act due to the way it is constructed. The complexity of the legislation, impenetrable terminology and the infrequency with which many interact with the law, make both voluntary compliance and the pursuit of enforcement action difficult.

Strong, independent compliance and enforcement is required

Independent compliance and enforcement functions that are not subject to actual or implied political direction are needed. The functions should be properly resourced and include a full toolkit of powers and systems.

In these cases, in which environment groups undertake litigation to uphold the law, those groups are required, at great expense and personal risk, to go to court when it is usually the accepted role of the State to take action to enforce its laws.

So community groups often find themselves opposed by the resources of government, applied not to uphold the law, but for political ends. 

Where corporate interests are involved (as is usually the case), the corporate parties have the benefit of tax deductibility for their legal expenses, which is not true for community groups who are acting for the public good. In many cases, the risk of adverse costs orders means a real risk of office holders of these organisations losing homes and other assets. It is an extraordinary burden to impose on citizens.

The implicit model behind this is that the government sets out some broad aspirational principles, and then steps back to let those who might be referred to as ‘stakeholders’ fight it out. There is no level playing field: this is stacked in favour of those with the resources to litigate, and with the right political support.

But if that is the model, do our environmental laws really amount to laws as most people would understand them?

It is not enough for governments to espouse environmental values in legislation without establishing its own mechanisms to enforce those laws.

We have a systemic problem, at both State and Federal level, in which powerful interests are able to circumvent environmental laws, and governments have not put in place adequate independent means of enforcing the laws they have enacted.

 

The Rule of Law

The rule of law is one of the fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. 

Australia’s traditions as a democracy depend upon our adherence to the rule of law.

The rule of law doesn’t just mean having laws and requiring people to obey them – even tyrants have laws. Nazi Germany had laws – and a lot of them - but no one would argue that it was a society subject to the rule of law. The rule of law operates as a check on the arbitrary exercise of power. 

The rule of law is not about ever harsher laws to reinforce power, but the independent oversight of the exercise of power. Governments and corporations, like citizens, must be accountable under the law. The law must be clear, well-known and applied without fear or favour. Justice must be timely, efficient and independent.

Having laws to protect the environment that are only sporadically and unevenly enforced undermines not only the environment, but also, I would argue, the rule of law and our democratic traditions.

We should be astute to ensure – at all levels of government – that laws to protect the environment do not merely espouse values in a general way, but have specific enforcement mechanisms that give them teeth.

Protecting the environment is too important for us to accept anything less.